When America Turns on a President
How Public Opinion Has Rejected Presidents and Reshaped the Nation
In a democracy, the people are the final check on power. No matter how powerful the office, American presidents are never immune to the shifting tides of public opinion. From the earliest days of the republic to the modern era of 24/7 media, history shows that when a president’s policies clash with the will or welfare of the people, the backlash can be swift, dramatic and politically fatal. As we live in turbulent times, I thought a brief look through the lens of presidential history might be of interest.
John Adams and the Alien and Sedition Acts (1798–1801)
Adams, the second president, passed the Alien and Sedition Acts during a time of tension with France. These laws allowed the deportation of immigrants and made it a crime to criticize the government, sparking outrage among Americans who saw them as authoritarian. The backlash fueled the rise of Thomas Jefferson’s Democratic-Republicans and cost Adams reelection in 1800. It was the first major case of the people rejecting a president over civil liberty concerns.
James Madison and the War of 1812
Madison’s reluctant war with Britain led to economic collapse, British troops burning Washington, D.C. and growing secession talk in New England. Though peace was eventually secured, public frustration nearly sank his presidency. His popularity only recovered after the war’s end when a sense of renewed nationalism emerged, masking the anger of prior years.
Andrew Jackson and the Bank War (1832–1837)
Jackson, a populist icon, distrusted centralized financial power and dismantled the Second Bank of the United States. His move was cheered by many working Americans but alarmed business leaders and economists. When the Panic of 1837 hit shortly after he left office, triggering one of the worst depressions of the 19th century, many blamed his policies. His successor, Martin Van Buren, paid the political price.
James Buchanan and the Eve of Civil War (1857–1861)
As the nation hurtled toward secession, Buchanan insisted he had no authority to stop Southern states from leaving the Union. His passive approach, combined with his support for the pro-slavery Dred Scott decision, left both abolitionists and moderates disillusioned. When Buchanan left office he was widely regarded as the weakest and most ineffective president in U.S. history.
Andrew Johnson and the Reconstruction Collapse (1865–1869)
After Lincoln’s assassination, Johnson sought to quickly reintegrate the South without protections for newly freed slaves. Congress rebelled, overriding his vetoes and impeaching him for violating the Tenure of Office Act. Though acquitted by one vote, Johnson finished his presidency without a party and with minimal public support. His failure to lead during Reconstruction left deep scars on the nation’s racial and political fabric.
Ulysses S. Grant and Scandals of the Gilded Age (1869–1877)
Grant, a war hero, was ill-equipped for political maneuvering. His presidency was marred by corruption scandals, including the Credit Mobilier (a fraud perpetrated by the Union Pacific Railroad) and Whiskey Ring (a conspiracy to divert tax revenues), which implicated many in his administration. The economic downturn following the Panic of 1873 only worsened his image. The public, weary of incompetence and cronyism, turned to calls for reform that would define the next era.
Herbert Hoover and the Great Depression (1929–1933)
When the stock market crashed in 1929, Hoover resisted direct federal intervention. As unemployment skyrocketed, banks failed and breadlines grew, Hoover’s insistence on voluntarism and balanced budgets seemed woefully out of touch. The Bonus Army incident, where protesting veterans were forcibly dispersed, sealed his image as heartless. The people overwhelmingly chose Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1932, embracing the New Deal and rejecting Hoover’s hands-off approach.
Lyndon B. Johnson and the Vietnam War (1964–1968)
LBJ’s domestic achievements, civil rights, Medicare, the War on Poverty, were overshadowed by his deepening of U.S. involvement in Vietnam. As American casualties mounted and the war seemed unwinnable, public outrage exploded. The Tet Offensive shattered the illusion of progress, and protests erupted across the country. Johnson, sensing the collapse of public trust, stunned the nation in 1968 by announcing he would not seek reelection.
Richard Nixon and Watergate (1972–1974)
Nixon won a landslide reelection in 1972, but revelations about the Watergate break-in, the ensuing cover-up and the abuse of executive power shattered public confidence. Televised Senate hearings and the “smoking gun” tape exposed the depth of corruption. Facing certain impeachment, Nixon resigned in 1974, the first and only U.S. president to do so. The people had turned, and democracy had prevailed.
George W. Bush and the Iraq War (2003–2008)
After 9/11, Bush enjoyed massive support. But the 2003 invasion of Iraq, based on faulty intelligence about weapons of mass destruction, eroded trust. As the war dragged on, U.S. casualties mounted and no WMDs (Weapons of Mass Destruction) were found, the public soured. The administration’s handling of Hurricane Katrina in 2005, marked by images of neglect and suffering, further damaged Bush’s standing. He left office with one of the lowest approval ratings in modern history.
Public Opinion as the Great Corrective
The American presidency, by design, answers to the people. While presidents may guide the nation, they do not rule it. When their vision or conduct collides with the public’s sense of justice, fairness or competence, Americans respond through protest, elections or lasting judgment.
Whether it's Adams silencing dissent, Hoover ignoring poverty or Nixon corrupting the Constitution, the lesson is clear: a president who loses the trust of the people risks losing everything. The health of American democracy has always depended on the willingness of citizens to speak out, and history shows they do ... but often, just in time.
My column sees the world through the lens of Americana and focuses primarily on the culture and history of the United States. It uses the latest technological innovations combined with over seven decades of personal experience to create a vehicle that helps to communicate issues that have resonated throughout the history of the American experiment. My column is free to all but also offers a modest paid subscription for those who want to support the free flow of ideas.